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A comparative lexicon of Ugaritic and Canaanite by Issam K. H. Halayqa

By Issam K. H. Halayqa

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And prior to the introduction of an 20 Chapter 2 effective railroad network, landlocked Bolivia and Paraguay were at an even more serious disadvantage. This was also true of the Mexican interior (Coatsworth 1981), the Argentine interior (Newland 1998), the Colombian interior (Ocampo 1994: 185–88), and elsewhere. Thus the economic distance to the European core varied considerably depending on Latin American location. 9. The range was huge, with the costs to Bogotá, Chuquisca, Mexico City, Quito, and Sucre nine to twenty-seven times that of Buenos Aires and Montevideo, both well placed on either side of the Rio de la Plata (Brading 1969: 243–44).

Indeed there was very little change at all in the Latin American terms of trade between about 1830 and 1870. At least the new Latin American republics emerging after the 1820s did not have to deal with global de-industrialization forces during their “lost decades” of poor growth when violence and political instability was already doing enough economic damage (Bates, Coatsworth and Williamson 2007; Williamson 2007). Still the Latin American terms of trade boom lasted far longer (1895) than was true for the average periphery region (1860), more than three decades longer.

1). What should this have done to the country’s growth rate? 8 percent per annum. 7 implies a 15 percent increase). 8. In addition the growth rate increase would have been a lot larger if the country’s trade share was larger. 9). True, these augmented figures hardly inspire confidence that the third world would have caught up with Europe, but at least they would have helped lower the growth gap between the two. 3 Source: Data underlying Blattman et al. (2007). Averages are unweighted. 48 Chapter 4 The second component of Lewis’s engine of growth was getting the third world country’s export share from a lower to a higher level, that is, to better exploit trade opportunities as time went on.

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